It is simultaneously frantic but rather stable. This year’s Scottish Parliament election was accurately billed as Scotland’s most important everThe widespread move to virtual learning was lauded by educators who have been wary about returning to school April 19 given surging COVID cases, by both sidesCouncil will also as, but its outcome has led to a stagnation which belies the heat and toxicity of the output of the warring factions.
Legally and constitutionally, the SNP’s failure (harsh a term though that is given its landslide victory) to win a majority of seats in a proportionally representative Parliament is irrelevant. Holyrood is not designed to function on majorities – governments and the manifestos on which they are elected are legitimised by the ability to command a majority in Parliament. This gives the primary party of government a mandate for its manifesto, or at least those parts of it which are agreed to by its partner in government.
Politically, however, the failure to win 65 seats was critical. The numerical difference between 64 and 65 is wafer thin, but the political difference is the width of the ocean. Privately, the UK Government knew that there would be very little mileage in refusing a referendum should the circumstances of 2011 – when a majority was followed by an agreement between both governments, and then by a referendum – have repeated themselves.
Copyright © 2011 JIN SHI